As the lines of battle form in the debate over the future of the  Federal Housing Administration, it is important to distinguish between the   concept of a federal mortgage insurance program and the FHA itself. The FHA   is a delivery system. There is plenty of room to reform and reengineer it.   It is the federal insurance product that is critical. Sixty years of   history show us that a federal mortgage insurance program is viable, and   that the   product is needed.             
The debate over the future of FHA forces us to do something we should do  more often - go back to first principles and ask, What is the role of   government in housing? What should be the role of government in housing?   
  
We at MBA believe, when it comes to homeownership, there is a role for  the federal government. 
In this new political environment - conservative, private-sector  oriented, pro entrepreneurship and self-reliance - if government is going   to have any role at all in the housing sector, it should be to promote   homeownership: to promote the concept of private property, a stake in the   community, and family and civic responsibility.       
  
The future of federal mortgage insurance can be argued on three  different fronts: First, the political dimension; second, the social policy   issues; and third, the pure financial interests of private market   participants and the government itself.     
What we are hearing in the press and in Washington today are the  political arguments. There are fundamental, philosophical differences of   opinion over the role of government in our private lives.   
From Newt Gingrich, Jim Leach, Rick Lazio, and John Kasich in the House,  and from Phil Gramm, Al D'Amato, and others in the Senate, we hear the   fervent cry to get government out of our lives. There is a firm belief that   government is excessively intrusive, that there is too much regulatory   burden through all sectors of our economy, and that when it comes to   running financial enterprises, the private sector, by definition, can   always do it better.           
  
The FHA is viewed as an anachronism from the New Deal era, a financial  dinosaur. 
The Clinton administration, for its part, seems to agree. The soon-to-  be-announced budget, while seeking to retain the Department of Housing and   Urban Development, will propose converting FHA into a wholly owned   government corporation, with considerably more autonomy than it currently   has.       
There is little doubt that the administration's proposals merely will be  the starting point for restructuring federal housing programs when they   reach Congress.   
Everyone there is keenly aware that Alice Rivlin, head of the  administration's Office of Management and Budget, both in her book three   years ago and in OMB's own proposals this year, argued for turning the   mortgage insurance administration function over to Fannie Mae and Freddie   Mac and to rely entirely on some vague forms of risk sharing or pool   insurance, rather than loan-by-loan federal backing.         
  
Since at this stage no one is arguing to maintain the status quo, one  thing for certain is that the delivery system for federal mortgage   insurance will change. I am here to support structural changes in the   delivery system while preserving a program of full mortgage insurance on a   loan-by-loan basis.       
The more important debate - the one on substance - will be the debate in  the weeks ahead over what the social policy mission of a federal   homeownership program, if any, should be.   
FHA insures an average of 850,000 home mortgages a year. It seems  generally agreed that something like a third of those - let's say 200,000   to 300,000 - are loans that simply would not be made if there is no longer   a full federal insurance program.     
Leaders in the private mortgage insurance industry themselves have  agreed that some 200,000 to 300,000 loans would not be made. 
There are those who believe that any federal homeownership program  should be targeted just to those 200,000 to 300,000 families who would   otherwise not be served by the MIs and by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.   
Such a program would not work. A program targeted only to the most needy  would require a mortgage insurance premium too high to be afforded, or a   subsidy that Congress and the administration itself would be unwilling to   fund.     
So, if there is to be a federal mortgage insurance program to promote  homeownership, it has to be broadly based, it has to have a cross-subsidy   provision to make it workable.   
Some would argue that FHA should simply be privatized. That's nonsense.  We already have a very successful private mortgage insurance industry; why   create another one?   
But now to the serious question. What do we as a nation lose if we don't  pave the road to homeownership for those quarter of a million households   each year who would not otherwise be able to buy a house without a full   federal insurance program?     
Who are these people? They are, very disproportionately, blacks. They  are, very disproportionately, Hispanics. They are, very disproportionately,   modest-income people - white, black, Hispanic, and Asian. They are, very   disproportionately, people who would buy homes in the inner city, and other   older properties. They are, overwhelmingly, first-time homebuyers.       
Some remarkable facts: 35% of all home purchase loans made to blacks  last year were FHA loans; 36% of all home purchase loans made to Hispanics   last year were FHA loans; 30% of all home purchase loans made to low-income   households were FHA loans. Over 30% of all loans to first-time homebuyers   last year were FHA loans.       
FHA last year insured two and a half times as many loans to blacks as  all the private mortgage insurance companies put together. 
It's reasonable to assume that the great majority of those FHA loans  would not otherwise be made if a federal safety net was not there. We hear   time and again how inefficient, how time-consuming, how costly, how   bureaucratic, the FHA program is. Why would anyone go there if they had   another choice?       
A private survey, using actual FHA loans, bears out the point. Using  actual FHA cases, where loans have actually been made, the files were   submitted in a blind test to private mortgage insurance underwriters. The   majority were turned down. They are loans that would not have been made   were it not for federal mortgage insurance.       
The mortgage insurers do what they do very well. But they simply can't  do it all. They've had nearly 40 years to show what they can do, and in   many ways they're tremendously successful. But they simply don't match the   low cash requirements, the underwriting standards, and the willingness to   stay in all regions through times of economic distress that FHA has   demonstrated.         
What will we lose as a nation if we lose 200,000 to 300,000 new  homeowning families a year? 
First, the numbers over time will grow geometrically. Many of those few  hundred thousand households a year will never reach the second rung on the   ladder of homeownership, where they would use private mortgage insurance   and where their loans would be bought by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.     
Those people will be "lifers" - they will always be renters. And each  year we'll add another quarter of a million households. So by 2000 we will   have perhaps a million households - some three million or more people -   living as renters who otherwise could have been homeowners.     
As a nation, we lose a lot more than a few percentage points in the  overall homeownership rate. Homeownership goes hand-in-hand with family   responsibility and self-sufficiency. It gives people personal housing   choices and promotes economic opportunity and community stability.     
People who own homes take care of them, and send their children to  school. Children of homeowners are more likely to graduate from high   school, less likely to commit crimes, and less likely to themselves have   children before they become adults.     
People who own homes take pride in their private property, take pride in  their neighborhoods, and take pride in sharing in America's traditional   values.   
As a downright practical matter, whether we continue to have a federal  home mortgage insurance program may have a lot more to do with practical   business issues, practical financial issues, than with social policy. So   let me turn to the business issues.     
In the private marketplace, Realtors, mortgage lenders, homebuilders,  and others should ask: What would the absence of federal insurance mean for   our businesses? If indeed it means a quarter of a million fewer homebuyers   a year, year after year, there's definitely an impact. Realtors will sell   fewer homes. Lenders will close fewer loans. Builders will sell fewer   homes, and jobs will be lost in construction and related industries.         
The floor under house values will sink. If loans aren't made at the  lower-priced end of the market, who will buy the homes from move-up   families looking for their second home, their third home, and so forth? If   that demand isn't there, the buyers for your home and mine aren't there. If   that demand isn't there, it weakens the floor under the collateral for $3   trillion worth of outstanding mortgages. That's not just FHA loans. That's   a weakening of values underlying all mortgage collateral - all those   insured by the private mortgage insurers, all those held and guaranteed by   Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and by some 14,000 banks and thrifts throughout   the country.                 
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