Gruenberg's departure weakens the administration's regulatory hand

Gruenberg Barr Hsu
Michael Barr, vice chair for supervision at the Federal Reserve, from left, Martin Gruenberg, chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. and Michael Hsu, acting director of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency during a House Financial Services Committee hearing May 15.
Bloomberg News

WASHINGTON — Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. Chairman Martin Gruenberg's announcement that he will step down when a successor is confirmed will likely weaken regulators' hands in pushing for capital hikes in the Basel III endgame proposal, and may also give the Federal Reserve a stronger hand in influencing other joint rulemakings, experts say. 

Only hours after Senate Banking Committee chair Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, called for new leadership at the FDIC, Gruenberg signaled he would leave the agency once his successor is confirmed — a heavy lift for an almost evenly split and preoccupied Senate to accomplish in an election year. 

While the beltway has already begun to game out who might replace Gruenberg, Brian Gardner, chief Washington policy strategist for Stifel, said one need only look at the legislative calendar to see that confirming a new FDIC chair before the election is a tall task — if it is even possible.

"For all intents and purposes, we're in June," Gardner said. "We're going into Memorial Day weekend and [Congressional] recesses. So the best you can do over the next couple of weeks is an announcement of a nominee. They'll  have to go through [Federal Bureau of Investigation] vetting, get a Senate Banking Committee confirmation hearing … You're gonna have another recess around July 4 — so that'll be out. You have a further recess in July for the Republican National Convention and August is off, now we're into September, and Senate floor time is very valuable."

Gardner added that there is also a very real chance that a potential Gruenberg successor would be ousted within months of confirmation if Trump wins. Gruenberg's predecessor as chair, Jelena McWilliams, resigned from her position in February 2022 after Democratic board members used their power to set the regulatory agenda without her approval.

"If you're [Senate Majority Leader] Schumer and if you're the White House, are you prioritizing floor time for judicial appointments that get lifetime appointments, or the FDIC chairman — who could be undercut in January?" Gardner said. "The Republicans — if they take over in January 2025 — they can do exactly to Marty Gruenberg what Democrats did to McWilliams."

Isaac Boltansky, an analyst with BTIG, said that while the political spotlight has been on Gruenberg's political future and eventual exit, his role atop the agency is mostly noise for bankers and financial markets, who are fixated on one rule in particular: the Basel endgame capital proposal.

"That's the main thing for bankers and markets," he said. "I don't think they're following the drama around Gruenberg as closely as everyone inside the beltway, because they have confidence now that the rule is going to be dramatically softened."

One aspect of the lengthy Basel proposal that banks are most interested in is a requirement that the largest banks — about three dozen firms with more than $100 billion in assets — retain an average of 16% higher equity capital than they are currently required to hold. But Gruenberg's new lame-duck status will likely have the effect of putting more of the decision-making power on Basel and other interagency rules on the Fed, and in particular Fed chair Jerome Powell.

Joseph Lynyak, a partner with law firm Dorsey & Whitney, argues the FDIC is already less influential in hashing out capital hikes for the largest banks considering its statutory role is primarily in regulating state-chartered banks, which tend to be smaller and categorically not affected by the coming capital reforms. The Fed, meanwhile, oversees bank holding companies and by extension the largest and most complex banks. 

"They would certainly have input," he said. "But FDIC would probably not be taking a leadership role in terms of considering the effects of the proposed Basel rules."

Members of the Fed's Board of Governors have been mixed on the Basel proposal since it was first issued last July. Fed Govs. Christopher Waller and Michelle Bowman voted against the measure in July and have since criticized the proposal, calling for significant changes. Powell and Fed Gov. Philip Jefferson, meanwhile, voted for the proposal but voiced reservations about certain aspects of the rule, and Powell has since indicated that he expects "broad and material" changes to be made before the rule is finalized.

Gardner says he believes there is a less than 50% chance of the Basel endgame being finished by year end, but that an imminent change in administrations could speed things up.  

"Regulators can read the pulse, right? They all know what the political situation is, especially the heads of the agencies," he said. "So there's going to be a time when they decide that — in their view — the risk of a Trump victory is so high that they're going to have to swallow hard, compromise on a host of issues and wrap it up quickly before year end."

That's largely because, Gardner argued, failing to finalize something before a theoretical Trump victory would all but doom the proposal in the short term. 

"If they miscalculate or they just are unwilling to compromise and Trump wins, I think you'll probably see a slowdown in work," said Gardner. "At that point it's unrealistic it would be done by year end or the inauguration."

He also notes — as evidence by endgame's architect Fed vice chair for supervision Michael Barr's testimony at recent Congressional hearings — regulators have yet to even agree on what will be in the rule, let alone whether or not to repropose the rule.

Experts are split as to what the timeline will look like. Boltansky says he sees the agencies fast-tracking the rule, and making significant changes to get it done.

"The likeliest outcome is that they make a number of changes to the rule and try to finalize it this year," he said. "[Though] I also fully admit that a reproposal is still possible, I just think that the most probable outcome is finalization before the election."

Boltasnky noted that, in general, making "material changes to the rule" requires a full reissuing of the rule for comment, but that is still up for debate. For the sake of time however, he said, regulators could get creative.

"At a minimum, we continue to expect targeted tweaks to how the proposal treats mortgages, green tax credit investments, fee-based income such as swipe fees, corporate loans, and trading activities," said Boltansky. "I've also heard some suggestions that they can take an alternate course and finalize part of it while reproposing another part — something [FDIC board member Jonathan] McKernnan has talked about."

Lynyak is fairly confident the rule is headed for a reproposal, particularly given the gravity and impact on large banks of the proposed reforms. 

"My view is that I think that Chairman Powell signaled very clearly that a reproposal with further amendments to the proposal is being considered and I think that would be likely the approach they would be taking, as opposed to simply issuing an amended rule," he said. "When you look at these kinds of issues, you [make changes like this] once in every decade, so you have to do it right. Giving the banks an opportunity to look at a reproposal and having public comment … is critical for operational and business plans of the larger banks."

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